Opens in a new tab
15 min 34 sec
Available in:English

How to be a Conservative

Roger Scruton sets out the conservative case for a society that grows from families, clubs and nations. He defends free markets limited by law, liberty-based rights and the Enlightenment culture that lets diverse people live together.

Table of Content

If conservatism sounds to you like nostalgia dressed up as policy, Roger Scruton’s How to be a Conservative offers a sharper version of it. The English philosopher argues that conservatives have become the main defenders of the Enlightenment freedoms that gave the West modern democracy, and that the free market is the only economy that works in practice.

His case rests on one conviction. A good society grows from below, out of families, clubs, schools and neighbors, and every attempt to redesign it from above does damage, whether the designers are revolutionaries or market ideologues. Scruton follows that idea from his own change of politics through private schools, national belonging, prices, human rights and the multicultural city.

Whatever your own politics, this is a clear map of the strongest conservative arguments behind many current debates. It also gives you a few plain questions you can put to any reform, right or policy you hear proposed.

A philosopher raised among Labour voters ended up a leading voice of the right. The road ran through a father’s protest, a Paris riot and a lecture hall full of people the state had silenced.

Communist planners and free-market enthusiasts look like opposites. Scruton saw them making the same mistake, and the oldest answer to it came from a man who watched a revolution tear up centuries of custom.

Some schools and clubs really do give their members a head start, and closing them sounds fair. Scruton argues the rich would barely notice, while everyone else would lose something that took centuries to build.

After the horrors of the twentieth century, loyalty to a nation can sound dangerous. Scruton draws a line between two feelings that are easy to confuse, and argues that a diverse democracy cannot hold together without one of them.

Long queues and empty shelves in the last Soviet years had a cause deeper than bad management. Yet the same thinker who explains them also blames the 2008 crash on markets left without a crucial limit.

The language of rights now covers everything from free speech to a decent standard of living. Scruton argues these belong to two different traditions, and mixing them up can turn a court victory into a public loss.

Western cities mix more cultures and faiths than almost anywhere in history. Scruton credits that to an inheritance some of its own universities now reject, and he warns about what happens to a society that disowns its past.

For Scruton, conservatism comes down to the things that hold people together when nobody is in charge of them. Families, choirs and schools, a shared national home, prices formed in countless exchanges, liberties that keep the state at a distance, and a culture of reason open to newcomers. None of these was designed from above, and each, he believes, is far easier to destroy than to rebuild. The scholars stoking coal in Czechoslovakia were his picture of what happens when a government forgets that.

You do not have to share his conclusions to borrow his questions. Before backing a reform, ask which living ties it would strengthen and which it would replace, and whether a privilege could be opened to more people before it is abolished. When someone claims a right, ask whether it protects a freedom or demands a service from someone else. When a market fails, look for who escaped the cost of their own decisions.

The whole philosophy began with a lifelong socialist fighting to save fields and old buildings from sprawl. Keep what works until something better is truly on offer. That is the instinct Scruton spent his life defending.

About this book

What is this book about?

Traditional conservatism is out of fashion in the West. Many people see it as nostalgia, a wish to turn back the clock. Roger Scruton disagrees. He argues that conservatives are now the main defenders of the freedoms that built modern democracy. His case starts from his own life. He was the son of a socialist father, watched the 1968 riots in Paris and met scholars who had been made to stoke coal in Communist Czechoslovakia. From there he builds one idea: a healthy society grows from the bottom, through families, schools, clubs and neighbors, and any plan to remake it from the top does harm, whether it comes from revolutionaries or from market ideologues. Scruton applies that idea to the hard questions of political debate. He looks at private schools, national belonging, the price mechanism and the 2008 crash, the difference between Locke's liberties and modern human rights, and the future of multicultural societies. Readers come away with a clear account of conservative thinking and a set of questions they can put to any reform or right they hear proposed.

Book Information

Rating:

Genre:

Philosophy, Politics & Current Affairs

Topics:

Political Science

Publisher:

Bloomsbury Publishing

Language:

English

Narrator:

Ethan

First published:

January 1, 2014

Pages:

208

Length:

15 min 34 sec

Get the book:

Amazon

Who it's for

  • Skeptical of conservatism

    Curious readers who dismiss conservatism as nostalgia and want its strongest case in plain terms.

  • Politics and philosophy students

    Students of politics or philosophy comparing the left and right on markets, rights and nationhood.

  • Conservatives wanting clear arguments

    Conservatives who want clear arguments on private schools, human rights and multiculturalism for their next debate.

Listen to Preview

About the Author

Roger Scruton

Roger Scruton (1944 to 2020) was an English philosopher who focused on aesthetics and political philosophy. He taught aesthetics at Birkbeck College, London, from 1971 to 1992 and later at Boston University. He was the first editor of The Salisbury Review, a conservative journal he helped found, and he wrote often for The Times and The Spectator. In the 1980s he helped build underground academic networks in Soviet-controlled Eastern Europe, work the Czech Republic honored in 1998. From 2019 to 2020 he chaired a UK government commission on building beautifully.

Ratings & Reviews

Ratings at a glance

3.7

Overall score based on 182 ratings.

What people think

Listeners find this work to be a superb introduction to conservative thought, valuing the author's profound grasp of the topic. The prose is celebrated as a masterpiece, with one listener highlighting its exceptionally accessible and clear delivery.

Top reviews

Earn

Scruton manages a rare feat here by turning what could have been a dry political manifesto into a deeply moving meditation on what it means to belong. The prose is crystalline, proving that he was a master of the English language as much as he was a philosopher. I was particularly struck by his concept of 'oikophilia'—the love of home. It provides a much more compassionate framework for environmentalism than the globalist doom-mongering we usually see. His journey from the chaos of 1968 Paris to the underground seminars of Cold War Prague gives the book an autobiographical weight that makes his arguments feel earned rather than merely theoretical. Even if you don't consider yourself a conservative, the way he discusses beauty and the 'democracy of the dead' is profound. It is a masterpiece of intellectual clarity.

Show more
Tim

What a beautifully written defense of the things we often take for granted! Scruton reminds us that conservatism isn't about greed or stagnation, but about preserving the hard-won treasures of the past for the sake of the future. He takes complex ideas from Kant and Hegel and makes them accessible to the lay reader without losing any of their depth. The section on the 'Truth in Capitalism' was eye-opening, particularly his warning that global markets can sometimes act like 'brigandage' if they aren't rooted in a moral community. He isn't a blind cheerleader for Thatcherism, and that honesty makes his perspective far more credible. This is an essential read for anyone who cares about the survival of Western civilization and the beauty of our shared cultural heritage.

Show more
Harper

This book is less of a political manifesto and more of a homecoming. Scruton’s journey—starting from his father’s staunch socialism to his own realization of the value of tradition—is told with such humility and wit. He demystifies the 'zero-sum fallacy' of the left and explains why economic success shouldn't be viewed as someone else's failure. The way he links the preservation of the environment to the preservation of our institutions is nothing short of brilliant. I found his defense of the rule of law and the Anglican tradition to be particularly touching, even as a non-religious reader. It’s a masterpiece of political philosophy that manages to be both intellectually rigorous and deeply personal. Scruton provides a coherent voice for those of us who feel the world is moving too fast toward a nihilistic future.

Show more
Maksim

The depth of Scruton's intellect is on full display here, yet it never feels like he's talking down to you. He has a profound grasp of the historical and spiritual forces that shaped the West. Whether he's discussing the fallout of the 1968 Paris riots or the 'truth' found in liberalism, he remains consistently insightful. I appreciated his critique of Margaret Thatcher; he acknowledges her economic necessity but laments how her policies sometimes undercut the 'little platoons' of British life. It’s a balanced, thoughtful, and ultimately hopeful book. It reminds us that we have a home to protect and a history to honor. If you want to understand what it actually means to be a conservative—beyond the slogans—this is the book to read. It's an absolute masterpiece.

Show more
Sing

As someone who has always felt a bit out of place in the modern academic landscape, this book felt like a breath of fresh air. Scruton’s observation that nearly 70% of academics are left-leaning resonates deeply with my own experience of feeling like an 'out' conservative. He writes with such grace about the importance of tradition and the little platoons of society that it’s hard not to be moved. I especially enjoyed the chapter where he extracts the 'truth' from socialism and multiculturalism; it shows a level of nuance that is missing from today’s polarized debates. My only complaint is that his views on marriage felt a bit dated and lacked the same analytical rigor he applied to the free market. Still, it’s a very easy-to-understand entry point for anyone curious about the intellectual roots of the right.

Show more
Riley

Finally got around to reading this after seeing so many snippets online and I wasn't disappointed. Scruton is a giant of a thinker. What surprised me most was his stance on environmentalism. He argues that the conservative cause has been 'polluted' by big business interests, and that we should return to a local, national stewardship of the land. It’s a powerful argument. The book does wander into some strange tangents regarding modern music and 'moral chaos' in pop culture, which felt a bit like an old man shouting at clouds. However, his core message about the importance of accountability and standing 'judged in another's eyes' is a psychological insight that stays with you long after you close the cover. A solid 4-star read for the prose alone.

Show more
Jong

Can we talk about the chapter on the 'truth in socialism' for a second? It’s rare to find a conservative thinker who is willing to admit that we are all mutually interdependent and that the state *does* have a role in providing a safety net. Scruton’s conservatism is Burkean to the core; it’s about the contract between the living, the dead, and the unborn. His writing is a masterclass in clarity, making it easy to understand even the more abstract philosophical concepts. I did find his take on the 'gay lobby' and intimidation a bit bizarre and unsupported by evidence, which detracted from an otherwise logical flow. Nevertheless, the book is a fantastic introduction to a tradition of thought that is often caricatured by the media. Definitely worth your time.

Show more
Prayoon

Ever wonder why conservatism feels so misunderstood in the age of populism? Scruton provides the answer by returning to the basics of home, family, and local community. He avoids the angry rhetoric of modern talk radio, choosing instead a calm, reasoned tone that invites the reader to think deeply. The chapter on art and beauty was a highlight for me; he correctly identifies how a culture of 'transgression' has replaced our pursuit of the sacred. While I think he’s a bit too pessimistic about the possibility of international cooperation, his defense of national sovereignty as a precondition for democracy is hard to argue with. The book is dense but accessible, a rare combination in modern non-fiction. Picked this up on a whim and I'm very glad I did.

Show more
Pear

Is it a philosophy or just a series of grievances? While Scruton is undeniably brilliant and writes with a style that makes most modern pundits look like amateurs, I struggled with how easily he dismisses the realities of the modern working class. He speaks of the self-employed worker as the norm, seemingly ignoring the millions trapped in zero-hour contracts or the 'poverty trap' of the current welfare state. To be fair, his defense of the nation-state as the primary source of identity is compelling, especially in his critique of the EU's top-down bureaucracy. However, the book often feels like it was written by a man with a glass of claret in hand, ruminating on a lost England that perhaps never fully existed. It's a great introduction to the *theory* of conservatism, but it falters when it descends into the messy mire of 21st-century politics.

Show more
Clara

Frankly, I found Scruton’s worldview to be incredibly elitist and out of touch with the reality of most people's lives. He writes with an undeniable style, but beneath the elegant prose lies a stubborn snobbery that is hard to stomach. His dismissal of the 1968 protests as 'middle-class hooliganism' ignores the genuine desire for social change that moved a generation. Furthermore, his arguments against the EU and multiculturalism seem to skip over any examples of successful multi-ethnic integration that don't fit his narrow, territory-based definition of nationhood. He is a 'snob with style,' as one reviewer put it, and while I respect his erudition, his logic often feels like a sophisticated way of saying 'I liked things better when they were old.' It didn't persuade me, though it did help me understand the conservative mindset better.

Show more
Show all reviews

Questions about this book

Scruton argues that a healthy society grows from below, through families, workplaces, schools, clubs and neighbors, and that plans to remake it from above, whether by socialist revolutionaries or market ideologues, do harm. From this he builds a conservative position that values the nation-state, defends free markets limited by law, prefers rights understood as liberties and calls for protecting the Enlightenment culture that lets diverse societies work.

He describes four influences. His socialist father campaigned against suburban sprawl to protect the countryside and old buildings. In Paris in May 1968 he watched students riot and felt angry at them. Margaret Thatcher’s 1979 election renewed his belief in personal responsibility. That same year, in Communist Czechoslovakia, he spoke to former lecturers, rabbis and novelists who had been made to work as coal stokers.

In his view, the free market is the only workable economy, since prices carry information about what people want, need and have. Central planners lack that information, which he links to the queues, empty shelves and gluts of the late Soviet Union. Markets need limits, though: people must bear the costs of their actions, and he blames the 2008 crash on lenders and banks that did not.

Traditional rights, following John Locke, are liberties: protection from coercion and the freedom to make and leave agreements. Scruton calls this negative freedom. Modern conventions, such as the UN Declaration of Human Rights, add claims that require states to provide things like work and leisure. He argues these claims can override the common good, giving the example of a criminal avoiding deportation through the right to family life.

Use Scruton’s ideas as questions. Ask whether a reform strengthens or replaces the ties people already share. When an institution confers privilege, ask whether access could be widened, for example through bursaries, before banning it. Ask whether a claimed right protects a freedom or demands that someone else provide something. When a market fails, ask who avoided paying for their own decisions.

AUDIO SUMMARY AVAILABLE

Listen to How to be a Conservative in 15 minutes

Get the key ideas from How to be a Conservative by Roger Scruton, plus 5,000+ more nonfiction titles.

  • 5,000+ titles
  • Listen as much as you want
  • 7-day free trial
  • Cancel anytime

How to be a Conservative

Preview · Full summary 15 min 34 sec
Home

Discover

Open app

Log in